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Bad Money: Reckless Finance, Failed Politics, and the Global Crisis of American Capitalism

Bad Money: Reckless Finance, Failed Politics, and the Global Crisis of American Capitalism

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Author: Kevin Phillips
Publisher: Viking Adult
Category: Book

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Rating: 4.0 out of 5 stars 70 reviews
Sales Rank: 1136

Media: Hardcover
Pages: 256
Number Of Items: 1
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Dimensions (in): 9.1 x 6.2 x 0.1

ISBN: 0670019070
Dewey Decimal Number: 330.973
EAN: 9780670019076

Publication Date: April 15, 2008
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Similar Items:

  • The Trillion Dollar Meltdown: Easy Money, High Rollers, and the Great Credit Crash
  • The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism
  • American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21stCentury
  • The New Paradigm for Financial Markets: The Credit Crisis of 2008 and What It Means
  • The Post-American World

Editorial Reviews:

Product Description
The bestselling author reveals how the U.S. financial sector has hijacked our economy and put America s global future at risk

In American Theocracy, Kevin Phillips warned us of the perilous interaction of debt, financial recklessness, and the increasing cost of scarce oil. The current housing and mortgage debacle is proof once more of Phillips s prescience, and only the first harbinger of a national crisis. In Bad Money, Phillips describes the consequences of our misguided economic policies, our mounting debt, our collapsing housing market, our threatened oil, and the end of American domination of world markets. America s current challenges (and failures) run striking parallels to the decline of previous leading world economic powers especially the Dutch and British. Global overreach, worn-out politics, excessive debt, and exhausted energy regimes are all chilling signals that the United States is crumbling as the world superpower.

Bad money refers to a new phenomenon in wayward megafinance the emergence of a U.S. economy that is globally dependent and dominated by hubris-driven financial services. Also bad are the risk miscalculations and strategic abuses of new multitrillion-dollar products such as asset-backed securities and the lure of buccaneering vehicles like hedge funds. Finally, the U.S. dollar has been turned into bad money as it has weakened and become vulnerable to the world s other currencies. In all these ways, bad finance has failed the American people and pointed U.S. capitalism toward a global crisis. Bad Money is the perfect follow- up to Phillips s last book, whose dire warnings are now proving frighteningly accurate.



Customer Reviews:   Read 65 more reviews...

5 out of 5 stars Financialization and Its Discontents   May 6, 2008
Izaak VanGaalen (San Francisco, CA USA)
275 out of 278 found this review helpful

For those who have read Kevin Phillips' American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21stCentury, many of the themes in the current work will sound familiar. In this book, as well as American Theocracy, he reminds us that previous empires such a 17th century Spain, 18th century Holland, and the late 19th and early 20th century Britain all succumbed to financialization as their global power reached its peak. He argues the the United States is now in a similar position. In the last 30 years financial services have grown from 11% of GDP to 21%, and manufacturing has declined from 25% to 13%. A reversal of roles that Phillips sees as very unhealthy.

This huge growth of the financial sector was not without adverse consequences: in the last 20 years public and private debt has quadrupeled to $43 trillion. How this came about has been expertly explained in another book called The Trillion Dollar Meltdown: Easy Money, High Rollers, and the Great Credit Crash by Charles Morris. There was easy money as the Federal Reserve was lending money at less than the rate of inflation. Money was risk-free for the lender since they collected fees up front and sold the securitized loans to investors. When this process was repeated millions of times, one ends up with hard-to-value securitized debt throughout the global economy. Then when housing prices start to decline and homeowners start to default on their mortgages on a grand scale, you have a global crisis of American capitalism. (Bear Stearns alone was estimated to be holding $46 billion worth of bad money.)

As in American Theocracy, Phillips writes that the oil industry is another component of the current crisis. In the US oil production peaked in the 1970s, on a global level it is peaking right about now. And with the ravenous appetite for oil from newly industrialized countries such as China and India, prices will continue to go up. The US still gets "cheap" oil relative to Europe since oil is priced in dollars, but that advantage may soon disappear. The weakening dollar is forcing OPEC countries to move to Euros and other currencies. And some oil producing countries such as Iran and Venezuela are moving to other currencies for reasons other than economic.

The author began his career as a Republican strategist, but he has long since disavowed them. Having a monetary policy of free money, a fiscal policy of tax cuts and increased spending, and an ideology of unregulated market fundamentalism, the Republicans have lost most of their credibiltiy. This does not mean Phillips has gone over to the Democratic side. He believes that Bill Clinton was instrumental in the financialization of the economy, and that currently Hillary and Obama are beholden to investment bankers and hedge fund managers. What used to be the vital center in Washington is now the "venal center."

The conclusion of this volume is very gloomy. Phillips believes that we are at a pivotal moment in American history when the economy has been hollowed out, we are saddled with trillions of dollars of debt, and our political leaders are dishonest, incompetent, and negligent. Given that all that may currently be the case, it may be instructive to further meditate on the empires of the past. Spain, Holland, and Britain all managed to survive and even thrive, hopefully the US will do the same.



5 out of 5 stars Insightful, but Incomplete and Rapidly Becoming Dated!   April 22, 2008
Loyd E. Eskildson (Phoenix, AZ.)
109 out of 117 found this review helpful

"Bad Money" is about the insecurity of America's future given a debt-gorged financial sector, and vulnerability caused by expensive dependence on imported oil. The term refers not just to the depreciated dollar but also dangerous attitudes and flawed financial products.

Phillips points out that over the last 30 years, financial services have nearly doubled to a record 20% of GDP (and an even greater share of corporate profits - 54% in '04), while manufacturing's share has halved to 13% (10% of profits), greatly imperiling the economy. En route, Washington has provided government bailouts and/or liquidity when financial institutions or methodologies got themselves into trouble (eg. S&L crisis; Citibank forced into technical failure, but allowed to stay open; bailing out junk bond investors by lowering federal funds rate; etc.), encouraging bigger problems down the road.

The positive impact of borrowing has declined about 60-70% from the 1970s-80s when such monies would mostly be used for factory and highway construction, compared to today's increasingly likely use for increasing leverage for LBOs, M&A, and hedge funds. Meanwhile, the negative likelihood of families experiencing a 50% drop in income has increased dramatically from 1970 - resulting in a greater probability of default.

Cognizance of our problems has been somewhat covered up with revisions to the CPI (understating costs of home ownership) and unemployment measures (not counting those who gave up and quit looking). Thus, the 2-4%/year CPI increase 2005-2007 would have been 5-7%/year, and unemployment would have been 8%.

Early millennium results include the housing sector (including its "ATM effect") providing 40% of the nation's growth in GDP and employment (an unsustainable rate achieved through financial gamesmanship that set the stage for the current financial and construction crash), while imported petroleum outlays rose from $100 billion in '02 to $302 in '06.

Observing from a distance, OPEC has reduced its foreign-currency reserves held in dollars from 75% to 62.5%, and Iraq and Venezuela began selling oil in euros and yen (admittedly for political purposes, at least at first). Meanwhile, the U.S. has antagonized major oil producers (Iran, Russia, Venezuela), and effectively dismantled Iraq - raising the risk of nations being unwilling or unable to supply the U.S. as supplies grow tighter.

Declining oil supplies, rising demand, global warming, our recession, and global loss of confidence in American financial markets are all converging and demand strong political leadership. Phillips, however, is not optimistic that this will emerge based on strong financial sector support for the Democratic Party and political failures in other nations needing dramatic change.

Phillips makes numerous comparisons between the U.S. today and the Great Depression (Eg. Total indebtedness was three times the size of GDP in 2007, higher than the prior record set in the years of the Great Depression), as well as the declines of Rome, Holland, Spain, and Great Britain. Regardless, no predictions are made about how long or deep our current downturn will be (though his writing hints the more severe possibilities), and he gives little or no attention to the steady amassing of dollars in Asia and associated growing unemployment of Americans. Finally, readers must also keep in mind that throughout the book he refers to $70 oil - obviously outdated vs. today's nearly $120.

Interesting Side Issue: Phillips states that food represents about 14% of the U.S. CPI, vs. 33% and 46% for China and India, respectively. Doesn't auger well for biofuels continuing to take 28% of the U.S. corn crop.



5 out of 5 stars Grandpa Tells the Awful Truth   April 19, 2008
leftyrite (Providence, R.I.)
60 out of 64 found this review helpful

Kevin Phillips dedicates his latest insightful work of political and economic history to his grandson. It's a fitting tribute since, by the author's reckoning, the aforementioned young man might be well into his forties, and the U.S. deeply into its post-imperial senescence, by the time the mischief explained in the pages of Bad Money is fully digested by the earth's economic system.

Instead of reflecting upon and compensating for the turn to an unprecedented expansion of finance capitalism that today supersedes manufacturing in this nation by at least six percent of GDP, Wall Street, our empire's "coliseum," chose instead to gamble upon the promulgation of an unregulated class of investments known as derivatives, the size and scope of which, particularly in terms of their capacity to hedge against risk, could only be guessed at. So much for the efficacy of market deregulation.

In a similar context, it was sadly hilarious to hear former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin state recently that no one could have guessed the present debacle. Or, to recall that Hillary Clinton had proposed a blue ribbon committee, presumably to be chaired or co-chaired by Allan Greenspan, to address the situation.

Warren Buffett has been on record for denouncing derivatives as "weapons of financial mass destruction" since at least 2003. Even so, to paraphrase Pete Seeger, "the big fool(s)" at Citibank and Bear Stearns, "said to push on." Privatize the profits and socialize the losses.

At present, these so-called derivative financial "instruments" are embedded deeply in every sphere of global economic activity, from domestic pension funds to the portfolios of credulous investors throughout the world who believed in the transparency of the U.S. market system. Their ramifications add up to a disaster, aided and abetted at every modern-day turn by America's government, under both Democratic and Republican leadership.

Through his incisive and perceptive use of charts and tables,and,in his exceptionally clear narrative, Phillips makes the case that our government lies to itself as well as us. Now, we are fifty trillion dollars in debt. Go figure. Better yet, read and be ironically comforted by the truths contained in this quietly patriotic book.



5 out of 5 stars 4.5 stars-America as a speculator economy.   April 29, 2008
Michael Emmett Brady (Bellflower, California ,United States)
20 out of 21 found this review helpful

Phillip's book is similar to several other books currently available that show how the deregulation,especially of the banking and financial services sector, and privatization polices,started by Carter in 1978 and continued by all American Presidents since then ,has converted the United States of America into a speculator type economy where financial sector firms seek to extract a profit by the manipulation of balance and income statements .The goal is to make a return without any actual production of goods or services.
There are two minor shortcomings in the book.First,Keynes's chapter 12 in the General Theory(1936)explained exactly how the USA had been converted into a speculator economy during the 1920's.There is no mention of Keynes's contribution anywhere in the book.Second,Adam Smith was perhaps THE major proponent in history of a heavily regulated banking and financial services sector.Smith warned against allowing banks to make any loans available to projectors(Keynes's speculators and rentiers),prodigals ,and imprudent risk takers.Smith warned of the very serious consequences that would probably result if such loans were made-the aggregate savings of the nation would be"... wasted and destroyed..."[Smith,1776,Wealth of Nations,pp.339-340,Modern Library (Cannan) edition].Smith,contrary to Phillips, was not a believer in laissez fairy land.Smith was, in fact, the last of the Scholastic philosophers.He improved Scholastic thought and brought it up to date through the 18th century .The warnings of Smith and Keynes concerning the dangers of allowing speculators to run economic policy have been ignored.I have deducted 1/2 of a star from my rating because Phillips has ignored these warnings also. Nevertheless,I recommend this book .



5 out of 5 stars WHAT MARKET UTOPIANS HAVE WROUGHT   May 13, 2008
William R. Neil (Rockville, MD United States)
22 out of 24 found this review helpful


Kevin Phillips is a national treasure, and, surely by temperament and style, both on the page and in person, is the antidote to the Reagan/Bush era, an era many claim is now at its end. I say that because Mr. Phillips projects a formal, slightly grumpy aura, tempered by a wicked sense of low key humor, which I find refreshing after the Gipper and Crawford Ranch scene. We don't get too much of a biography of him, but I like to imagine him as an old New Englander, hard to fool, the type of teacher that we hope our students will still encounter in their studies. For agree with him or not, you have to take Mr. Phillips seriously. After all, Phillips, 67, a prolific author, has traveled through a good range of our political spectrum, from the right side in 1969 with The Emerging Republican Majority, to his American Theocracy in 2006, and now Bad Money, in 2008, which places him just to the left of center, although he might dispute that and claim that it's the center that has migrated so far to the right since 1980, not him. He is now a registered Independent voter.

The deep frame of Bad Money is the warning that utopian illusions can emerge (and have) in America from the right side of the political spectrum as well as the left, which is where most of our 20th century political dialogue had preferred to locate the threats. Phillips has previously described his 1960's views of the excesses of the left of that era. Now he is horrified at some of his own progeny on the Right and what they have wrought, especially in the realm of the American economy. He lays it out directly in the Preface entitled The Political Economics of Deception: "The most worrisome thing about the vulnerability of the US economy circa 2008 is the extent of official understatement and misstatement - the preference for minimizing how many problems there are and how interconnected they are."

Like all exercises in self-examination, this is a difficult undertaking about a nation which emerged towards the end of its "American Century" as the world's only superpower, and one which has seen itself as a "City Upon a Hill" and has to carry the additional burden of "American Exceptionalism,' which tends to get in the way a bit of a searching national dialogue - especially in a presidential election year, and even one in which large majorities poll that we have gotten seriously "off track." Phillips details just how far we have gotten off track, picking up and expanding upon the final section of American Theocracy, called "Borrowed Prosperity." It seems he wasn't going to write another book for the 2008 election - but the deepening financial crisis of 2007 and a head-in-the-sand attitude by officialdom led him to do it. And I'm glad he did.

He is a patriot in the best sense of the term...not pugnaciously posing as the Patton of market fundamentalism/nationalism, like Larry Kudlow on CNBC, but rather as the prophetic author of Staying on Top: The Business Case for a National Industrial Strategy (1984). That title tells you a lot about what has gone wrong as the FIRE sector (Finance, Insurance, Real Estate) has displaced manufacturing as the leading node of our economy. If it was on a sound footing, we might not be singing the blues, and worse, today. But it's not. Instead, what has emerged is called the "shadow banking system," or the "financial Wild West," or a "liquidity factory," much of it "over the counter" and off the bank's books, unregulated or casually regulated at best. The mortgage crisis, then, was no mere random walk of fate: "Lenders needed to woo high risk borrowers for the good commercial reason that there weren't enough low-risk borrowers to meet the volume demanded by the big commercial banks, investment firms, and other packagers, all pursuing the lucrative fees." So much for the old term "conservative as a banker," now surely one of the great oxymorons of the English language.

While much of the conservative establishment, and a good portion of the Democratic Party as well have wanted us all to obsess over the national debt and federal deficit - public debt - Phillips points out that it is really the frightening growth of private debt - personal and institutional - that is the real problem, having grown from $11 trillion to $48 trillion between 1987-2007. Phillips comments that "`Risky' doesn't begin to describe this new focus in the American economy. Bingeing on debt is reckless, and financialization has a long record of being an unhealthy late stage in the trajectory of previous leading world economic powers." The disturbing thought that "American Exceptionalism" might be subject to the same deep historical forces at work for Spain, the Dutch and the British Empire is necessary but tricky ground to navigate - try calling that notion in to Rush Limbaugh on some slow afternoon at the Credit Default Swap trading desk.

Phillips believes that both parties have testified for this sector as the very essence of the market at work, treating it, in reality, as the key American "mercantilist" sector in the globalization race - one to be bailed out officially or otherwise, whenever it gets into trouble, which is often and expensive, although the market fundamentalists cannot bear to hear it described this way. Here's the vintage Phillips' prose to give you the picture, heading into 2008: "These are not circumstances in which a nation should put faith in an overgrown and overextended financial sector, with its bankrupt mortgage lenders, hotshot hedge funds, and reckless megabanks, several of which (fined years back for colluding with a scheming Enron) wouldn't know a civic obligation from a parking ticket."

The burdens of civic obligation, however, don't fall just on the financial instrument "factories," which are variously described as reckless, malfeasant, dishonest, incompetent and negligent, to give the range of Phillips' wrath. Civic burdens also fall on the citizens' shoulders, a refreshing notion in an election year where families are invariably described as "hard working." He pointedly contrasts the level of economic literacy during the 1890's agrarian Populist Revolt of the south and west, when "periodicals like the National Economist had a hundred thousand subscribers...Compared to early-twenty-first-century torpor and lack of financial debate, the nineteenth-century agrarian civic engagement had an almost Fourth of July quality." Despite all the alarming ingredients being tossed into what would become a witches-brew of financial trouble between 1987-2008, he says these regions of former Populist discontent have been "anesthetized...The principle ethers at work were evangelical, fundamentalist and Pentecostal Christianity, infused with preoccupation with terrorism, evil and Islam that greatly strengthened after September 11." Also noted is the rise of the "Prosperity Gospel" (the religious cousin of the more secular "miracle of the market") among many of the most prolific new churches and its kinship to the religious/prosperity fervor of the Roaring Twenties - and we all know what followed after that.

American consumers scratching their heads in the spring of 2008 over the glaring contrast between the rising prices they face in everyday life and the more soothing reports of the official Consumer Price Index would do well to chew a bit more on that savory title from the Preface - The Political Economics of Deception. The reader is rewarded with a tour of the origins of fiddling with the CPI constituent parts and definitions - and of the possible motives, focused on keeping Social Security and labor COLA clauses down. We learn about one critic - and the critics are growing in number - John Williams, whose work at ShadowStats.com leads to the conclusion that if 1990 CPI methodology were used today, "the government would have been reporting 5 to 7 percent inflation between 2005 and 2007...instead of...2 to 4 percent." It would be enough to have brought the economy close to recession - that's the magnitude hinted at with the difference in these numbers. We also learn that in March 2006, the Federal Reserve dropped "M3," perhaps our best indicator of the overall money supply, and one that would better measure what was going on in those secretive liquidity factories, with the notation from our author that "for 2007, M3 numbers show runaway inflation in the annual range of 14%." No wonder so many of Milton Friedman's remaining disciples are fuming.

And that brings us to Phillips' treatment of the "Plunge Protection Team's" alleged intervention into the futures' indexes to stabilize the stock market at times of extreme turmoil. (A cautionary note here: any consideration of the resemblance between this line of inquiry and the plot line of "The Wizard of Oz", where Dorothy learns that behind the curtain is... hereby formally deferred to a later time...). It was founded in 1988 by Reagan's presidential proclamation as the President's Working Group on Financial Markets. He's doubtful we'll ever get official recognition if indeed these actions happened, due to the lawsuits such a confession might trigger. And, after all, a tactic like this can be financial death to those shorting the market - and also acknowledgment that things are worse than they seem and the "free market" far more dependent on government intervention than market utopians would ever be comfortable with. Phillips disclaims that "I have no personal firsthand knowledge and am not interested in becoming a conspiracy investigator." But he does look closely at the possibility that the team more broadly represents a commitment to a sector too important to fail, worthy of the grandest stretches in existing policy instruments - witness the ground covered by Fed. Chairman Bernanke in the rescue efforts of March 2008. He notes, glumly, that our manufacturing sector received no such considerations of magnitude or imagination during the decades of its long deathwatch.

This review will close with a call to pay close attention to a worry Phillips broaches in Chapter 5, "Peak Oil." This call comes in May, 2008 with oil prices hovering near $125 a barrel, prices which are mesmerizing a nation still stuck on overseas sources. Please consider Phillips' long track record of accurately anticipating our troubles, and listen carefully to the background drumbeat of many not too subtle administration voices pointing to the evil Iran has in store for us and others in the Middle East. It's a time to ponder Phillips' warning: "Political imperatives being what they are, the temptation of conservative civilian leaders in the United States to pursue oil-related military action against targets like Iran is easy to understand...The tinder is almost perfect for a war or military strike rooted in the frustration of a great power in decline."

There is no surer way to usher in the specter of 1929-1933 than to head down this oil strewn path, with all due respect to the powers, real or imagined, of the Plunge Protection Team. By clearly naming the threat, let us all hope we can head it off.

William R. Neil
May 12, 2008















 
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